Verified by Sexual Harassment and Violence
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Men who commit sexual harassment tend to score higher on measures of Dark Triad personality traits such as narcissism, Machiavellianism, and psychopathy. They also tend to work in male-dominated fields and have generally hostile attitudes toward women. But research finds that they also have moral disengagement—a sense that their actions are justified, the use of euphemistic terms for their actions, displacement of responsibility (“it’s the culture here”), advantageous comparison (“I could have done worse”), and victim blaming.
According to the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, many women who are sexually harassed do not come forward but instead try to avoid their harasser, downplay the seriousness of the crime, or simply try to ignore it or forget that it happened. Shame or self-blame, denial or disbelief, fear of consequences, low self-esteem, feelings of helplessness, and a sense that they will not find support or justice all contribute to an unwillingness to come forward.
Sexual harassment is not limited to male superiors threatening females who work under them. Other scenarios can lead to harassment as well. When people are suddenly put in a position of power with limited experience or previously low status, for example, some respond with humility but others quickly act to feel greater power by committing harassment. Also, women in positions of power are often sexually harassed by men above them or equal in rank who may be responding to a perceived threat or taking advantage of such women’s relative isolation in executive ranks.
About one in three working men report experiencing some form of workplace sexual harassment in the previous year. When men face sexual harassment, it tends to take the form of sexual coercion, unwanted sexual attention, or gender harassment; men belonging to sexual minorities are statistically more likely to be targeted. As with women, men employed in workplace cultures that appear to tolerate harassment are more likely to be victimized, but men may face even greater stigma and reluctance to report than women because of stereotypical beliefs about masculinity.
Studies of workplace cultures find that when harassment victims feel isolated or unsupported, they are less likely to report abuse, and perpetrators are more likely to prey on others. Companies in which harassment is discussed openly and bluntly at every level, and with every manager; which support victims’ collective testimony; and do not mandate gag orders can successfully limit incidents. But it is also crucial, research suggests, that bystanders who witness or become aware of harassment speak up, support victims, and unite to challenge harassers without facing repercussions.
Sexual violence is far too common: A third of American women, but also a quarter of men, will experience sexual violence in their lifetimes, according to the National Institutes of Health—and about 6 percent of all women experience an assault in any given year—although researchers agree that many more individuals have never reported their abuse, including in an estimated 60 percent of rape cases, partly because at least 50 percent of rapes are committed by intimate partners. In 80 percent of sexual-abuse incidents, the survivor knows their attacker. In most cases, there is also a difference in power dynamics between perpetrator and victim, whether within a family, a workplace, or a community.
Many people believe that men are by their nature sexual predators, but they are not, and sexual assault is not simply a reflection of what evolution has shaped men to do. But sexual violence has never been found to be genetic, and research on whether sexually aggressive males fare better in producing offspring are inconclusive. Instead, researchers now see a propensity for sexual violence as a complicated mix of biological factors (men are generally stronger) and, at least as importantly, social and cultural beliefs.
Research into the mindset of rapists and other male sexual perpetrators finds that they hold to certain “sexual scripts” that tell them, for example, “when a woman says no, she really means yes”; that a third of such men blame their victims, say, for drinking too much or not saying no forcefully enough; that women treat men badly; and that they are not responsible for their actions because of their biological drives.
Overcoming sexual assault and its psychological effects is a profound challenge. Survivors may experience depression, anxiety, and post-traumatic stress that leads them to relive the trauma and ruminate on it. Studies have found that, on average, victims of sexual abuse had at least seven recognized symptoms of PTSD, and a third of female rape victims report that they have contemplated suicide. The effects can derail a survivor’s education or career, as well as their relationships with family and friends.
Child sexual abuse is a widespread occurrence, but also widely underreported by victims. Teenagers who have experienced sexual abuse tend to feel more fatigue and schoolwork-related stress, are more likely to smoke, have a higher incidence of sleep difficulties, feel a distorted self-image, and feel unaccepted by other students. They are also more likely than others to self-mutilate or attempt suicide.
Survivors of sexual assault are encouraged to seek therapy, which can often effectively address their symptoms of trauma. Cognitive Processing Therapy (CPT), Prolonged-Exposure Therapy (PE), and the somewhat more controversial Eye-Movement Desensitization Reprocessing (EMDR) have helped victims process their experiences, address their feelings, and develop stress-management strategies and coping skills. In the end, many find that their self-confidence is at least somewhat restored.
