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Self-Esteem
The Psychology of Cultural Affirmation: Cheering for Our Team
When we cheer for our team or wave its flag, we boost our own self-esteem.
Posted February 2, 2023 Reviewed by Michelle Quirk
Key points
- We construct a mental self-image on the basis of how other people treat us and how we differ from other people.
- The ways in which we are similar to others usually aren’t important features of our self-image.
- Feelings of self-esteem are based on the value of one’s personal identity plus the combined value of one’s many social identities.
This is Part 1 of a two-part series. Part 2 can be found here.
It happened more than 30 years ago, but I vividly remember reading an illustrated children’s book to my 5-year-old daughter. In the book, white-skinned elephants and black-skinned elephants go to war and destroy each other. A smaller group of gray-skinned elephants sees what’s happening and escapes into the hills. When they emerge after the dust has settled, one large-eared elephant says to another large-eared elephant, “Hey, have you noticed that some elephants have small ears?”
Not your typical bedtime story, right? In my opinion, the book conveys a message that some consider controversial but others accept as an unfortunate truth. Humans naturally divide themselves into different social categories and, once divided, inevitably treat their own group better than other groups. (Please realize that, when I say “natural,” I do not mean morally desirable or correct.)
Years ago, social psychologists Henri Tajfel and John Turner constructed a theory of in-group favoritism (also known as ethnocentrism) and its bosom buddy, cultural affirmation. Their highly regarded explanatory model is called social identity theory (Tajfel & Turner, 2001).
Social Identity Theory
The first part of the theory concerns how we construct our self-image. We aren’t born with an image of ourselves. Instead, we construct a mental image on the basis of two sets of interpersonal experiences—how other people treat us and how we differ from other people.
Early social psychologist and philosopher George Herbert Mead (1934) said the child gains a sense of self when and only when the child becomes (1) aware of others and (2) aware of the reactions of others. According to Mead, we cannot know our “self” directly because at first there is nothing to know. We come to know ourselves indirectly by internalizing the reactions of others.
If a child is told he’s intelligent and Italian, he’ll probably come to think of himself as intelligent and Italian. If a child is treated as if she’s good at sports, chances are she’ll come to think of herself as good at sports. We construct our self-image, in part, on the basis of how other people treat us.
If someone asked me to describe myself, I might say I’m highly educated, a native Californian, and a Bonnie Raitt fan. Notice what I’ve done. I’ve described myself in terms of how I differ from most other people. (I’ve also placed myself into three social categories, which have psychological implications that I’ll discuss below.)
The ways in which we are similar to others usually aren’t important features of our self-image (McGuire & Padawer-Singer, 1976). I don’t describe myself as having two legs and a full head of hair, but if my legs had been amputated and I was bald, I’d probably include those features in my self-image.
Identities and Self-Esteem
The second part of social identity theory states that feelings of self-esteem (self-worth, self-respect) are based on (1) the value of one’s personal identity plus (2) the combined value of one’s many social identities. When those values are higher (or lower), we experience a higher (or lower) level of self-esteem.
For every group with which we identify, we have a separate social identity. If you identify as a fan of a particular sports team, that’s a social identity. If you identify as a member of a particular ethnic or religious group, that’s another social identity.
One of the ways we can elevate our self-esteem is to convince others that we belong to a respected, desirable group. As a member of the Beloit College community, I’m motivated to raise the perceived value of Beloiters as a group. I can do that (or at least try) by publicizing the many accomplishments of Beloiters. Did you know that Gunsmoke star James Arness, Secretary of Labor Willard Wirtz, Freedom Rider Jim Zwerg, billionaire businessman John Sall, jazz cellist Helen Gillet, and NFL tight end Derek Carrier all graduated from Beloit College?
If I can persuade people that being a Beloiter is pretty cool, then the value of one of my (many) social identities is enhanced because I belong to a cool group. This, in turn, boosts my self-esteem. I feel better about myself and more worthy because I’m associated with a valued group.
The next post discusses the dark side of cultural affirmation.
References
Mead, G. H. (1934). Mind, Self, and Society (Vol. 111). Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
McGuire, W. J., & Padawer-Singer, A. (1976). Trait salience in the spontaneous self-concept. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 33(6), 743–754.
Tajfel, H., & Turner, J. (2001). An integrative theory of intergroup conflict. In M. A. Hogg & D. Abrams (Eds.), Intergroup Relations: Essential Readings (pp. 94–109). Psychology Press.
