Body Image
The Harmful Legacy of BMI
A flawed measure fuels sigma and harms physical and mental health.
Posted October 8, 2024 Reviewed by Gary Drevitch
Key points
- BMI's origins as a population tool ignore diverse body types and health factors.
- Research shows that "overweight" people may have better health outcomes than "normal" BMI individuals.
- BMI's focus on weight contributes to mental health issues by reinforcing stigma and promoting harmful dieting.
The Body Mass Index (BMI) is a widely used tool for categorizing individuals based on their weight relative to their height. While convenient for assessing health risks, its historical origins, arbitrary classifications, and misuse in healthcare raise serious concerns. By focusing solely on weight and height, BMI fails to consider factors such as age, sex, race, muscle mass, genetics, and fat distribution. This narrow approach has fueled misconceptions about health, reinforced weight stigma, and influenced the development of diet culture. In addition to its scientific shortcomings, the use of BMI classifications is harmful to mental health, particularly for those categorized as "overweight" or "obese." Being labeled in this way can exacerbate feelings of shame, unworthiness, and social isolation, often contributing to disordered eating behaviors and body dissatisfaction.
A Flawed Beginning
The BMI was introduced by Belgian mathematician Adolphe Quetelet in 1832 as the "Quetelet Index." Its purpose was not to measure individual health but to categorize populations and define a 'normal' man. Importantly, the index was based solely on data from white European males and did not account for the diversity of body sizes across ethnicities, races, and genders (Strings, 2019). Using a one-dimensional tool to assess health and risk across the population is inherently flawed, as it ignores crucial differences in body composition, genetics, and overall health markers.
Arbitrary Classifications and Conflicts of Interest
One of the most concerning aspects of BMI is the arbitrary nature of its classifications—'normal,' 'overweight,' and 'obese.' These categories are not based on solid scientific evidence but have been influenced by various stakeholders, including the pharmaceutical industry. In 1998, the National Institutes of Health (NIH) lowered the threshold for 'overweight' from a BMI of 27.8 to 25, instantly reclassifying millions of Americans as 'overweight.' This shift may have been driven partly by the interests of companies producing weight-loss drugs, as some committee members had ties to these industries. This reclassification fueled societal fears of 'obesity' and intensified diet culture, further stigmatizing individuals with higher BMIs (Oliver, 2006).
Misrepresentation of Health
The simplistic correlation between BMI and health is misleading. Research has demonstrated that individuals categorized as 'overweight' or mildly 'obese' may have better health outcomes than those in the 'normal' range. A 2013 meta-analysis found that people in the 'overweight' BMI category had a 6% lower mortality risk compared to those in the 'normal' range (Flegal et al., 2013). Furthermore, individuals classified as 'overweight' or mildly 'obese' often have better survival rates with chronic conditions like heart disease (Lavie et al., 2018). Despite this, medical professionals continue to overemphasize BMI as a determinant of health, often overlooking more significant health indicators like metabolic health, blood pressure, or visceral fat (Gaudiani, 2021).
The Role of BMI in Stigma and Diet Culture
BMI’s continued use in medical practice has reinforced weight stigma and contributed to the rise of diet culture. By labeling individuals with higher BMIs as 'unhealthy' or 'at risk,' medical professionals perpetuate discriminatory practices. This stigma can severely affect mental health, leading to anxiety, depression, body image distress, and disordered eating. Patients often internalize these labels, believing their bodies are inherently flawed, which fuels the cycle of dieting and negative self-perception. The shame associated with being categorized as 'overweight' or 'obese' can exacerbate social isolation and reduce self-esteem, preventing individuals from seeking care or engaging in healthy behaviors. Moreover, perceived societal pressure to fit within 'normal' BMI categories often drives extreme dieting, excessive exercise, or eating disorders, leading to significant harm to physical and mental well-being (Puhl & Heuer, 2010).
Fat-Phobia and Diet Culture
Fat-phobia has deep roots in Western history, with associations between larger bodies and immorality dating back to the transatlantic slave trade. Sabrina Strings, in her book Fearing the Black Body: The Racial Origins of Fat Phobia, discusses how European colonists equated larger Black bodies with gluttony, laziness, and sexual excess. This association helped justify racial hierarchy and the colonization efforts of white Europeans. In the U.S., these racialized attitudes persisted, with body size becoming another marker of racial and moral superiority (Strings, 2019).
As the 19th and 20th centuries brought industrialization and mass media, diet culture began to thrive. Thinness became synonymous with self-discipline, productivity, and moral virtue, while larger bodies were stigmatized as lazy, unhealthy, or lacking willpower (Bordo, 1993; Brumberg, 1997). Capitalist ideals fueled these views, promoting the belief that controlling one's body size equated to success and control over life. As mass media glorified thinness, society's obsession with dieting and weight control intensified (Gremillion, 2003; Orbach, 2009).
Beyond BMI: Social Determinants of Health
A fixation on BMI overlooks the broader picture of health, particularly the role of social determinants. Studies have shown that factors such as access to healthcare, socioeconomic status, and environment are stronger predictors of health outcomes than BMI (Graham, 2016; Braveman & Gottlieb, 2014). A more holistic view of health would consider these factors alongside metrics like cholesterol levels, inflammation markers, and cardiorespiratory fitness rather than focusing exclusively on weight.
Exercise capacity, for example, is a critical factor in determining health outcomes. Research indicates that individuals with higher BMIs who engage in regular aerobic exercise and resistance training often have better health outcomes and longevity compared to thinner individuals who are less fit. McAuley et al. (2016) suggests that fitness, rather than weight, is a more important predictor of health outcomes (Amundson, Djurkovic, & Matwiyoff, 2010).
The Obesity Paradox
The 'obesity paradox' refers to the observation that individuals classified as 'obese' may have better outcomes during certain acute health events, such as heart attacks or surgeries, compared to thinner counterparts. For example, 'obese' men with cardiovascular conditions have shown higher survival rates than 'normal'-weight peers (Amundson et al., 2010). This paradox challenges the assumption that higher weight inherently leads to worse health and underscores the need to reevaluate current definitions of obesity and health.
Conclusion
As we continue to challenge outdated notions of health, it's crucial to acknowledge the limitations of BMI and shift toward more comprehensive health assessments. BMI was never intended to be a diagnostic tool, yet it remains deeply ingrained in medical systems, insurance policies, and societal norms. A more nuanced approach to health would focus on factors like exercise capacity, metabolic health, and broader social determinants of health rather than reducing individuals to a number based on height and weight.
By understanding the historical context of fat-phobia and diet culture, we can begin to dismantle the stigmatization of body size and move toward a more inclusive and accurate model of health. In doing so, we can better support individuals in all bodies to pursue health in a way that respects their unique needs and experiences.
References
Strings, S. (2019). Fearing the Black Body: The Racial Origins of Fat Phobia. NYU Press.
Oliver, J. E. (2006). Fat politics: The real story behind America’s obesity epidemic. Oxford University Press.
Flegal, K. M., Kit, B. K., Orpana, H., & Graubard, B. I. (2013). Association of all-cause mortality with overweight and obesity using standard body mass index categories: A systematic review and meta-analysis. JAMA, 309(1), 71-82. https://doi.org/10.1001/jama.2012.113905
Lavie, C. J., Laddu, D., Arena, R., Ortega, F. B., Alpert, M. A., & Kushner, R. F. (2018). "Healthy weight" and "obesity paradox" in cardiovascular diseases. Progress in Cardiovascular Diseases, 61(2), 126-130. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.pcad.2018.07.005
Gaudiani, J. L. (2021). Sick enough: A guide to the medical complications of eating disorders. Routledge.
Puhl, R. M., & Heuer, C. A. (2010). The stigma of obesity: A review and update. Obesity, 18(5), 899-915. https://doi.org/10.1038/oby.2009.231
Bordo, S. (1993). Unbearable weight: Feminism, Western culture, and the body. University of California Press.
Brumberg, J. J. (1997). Fasting girls: The history of anorexia nervosa. Vintage Books.
Gremillion, H. (2003). Fat talk: What girls and their parents say about dieting. University of California Press.
Orbach, S. (2009). Fat is a feminist issue: A self-help guide for compulsive eaters. Penguin Books.
Graham, G. (2016). Why Your Zip Code May Be More Important to Your Health Than Your Genetic Code. AMA Journal of Ethics, 18(5), 500-502.
Braveman, P., & Gottlieb, L. (2014). The social determinants of health: It’s time to consider the causes of the causes. Public Health Reports, 129(2), 19-31. https://doi.org/10.1177/00333549141291S206
McAuley, P. A., Blaha, M. J., Keteyian, S. J., Brawner, C. A., Al Rifai, M., Dardari, Z. A., Ehrman, J. K., & Al-Mallah, M. H. (2016). Fitness, Fatness, and Mortality: The FIT (Henry Ford Exercise Testing) Project. The American journal of medicine, 129(9), 960–965.e1. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.amjmed.2016.04.007
Amundson DE, Djurkovic S, Matwiyoff GN. The obesity paradox. Crit Care Clin. 2010 Oct;26(4):583-96. doi: 10.1016/j.ccc.2010.06.004. PMID: 20970043.