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Most of us are accustomed to the increasingly blurry line between political culture and celebrity culture. Politicians make regular news and comedy show appearances, mix and mingle with A-list stars, and cultivate constituent “fans” via social media (some with late night cyberbullying tactics). This overlap goes some distance to explain how a high profile real estate cum reality TV mogul, notorious for his wealth and visibility, managed to snag the Republican nomination. It also helps explain why Clinton’s lack of stylized glamour and charisma invites ongoing criticism and suspicion, though given the unreasonable standards women in power are expected to meet, a more Hollywood-friendly persona might increase her perceived warmth but reduce perceptions of her competence.
Less intuitive perhaps is the connection between politicians and fictional characters. We might make useful comparisons to fictional politicians on shows like The Good Wife and Madame Secretary, whose existence may both reflect and contribute to our current ability to envision a female president. However, given the “leader of the free world” title accorded to the President, another compelling association may be not just with fictional political figures, but with fictional heroes more generally, as David Wong points out in a provocative recent piece. Wong explains his perspective on why Americans who may feel hopeless, anxious, and disenfranchised, particularly those living in rural areas of the country, may view Trump as a kind of antihero on par with say, Iron Man. He asks:
"You've never rooted for somebody like that? Someone powerful who gives your enemies the insults they deserve? Somebody with big fun appetites who screws up just enough to make them relatable? Like Dr. House or Walter White? Or any of the several million renegade cop characters who can break all the rules because they get shit done? Who only get shit done because they don't care about the rules?"
"So what?" you may ask. So what if our fantasy of leadership informs our perceptions of who would be a good leader? There are at least three problems with this approach. The first is that our imaginations may be constrained by media-derived notions of what a leader (or antihero) looks like. For example, if we use a fictional template to judge Trump and Clinton, Trump may hold appeal, in part, because both his gender and abrasive, put-down rhetoric align with the overwhelmingly male and often caustic antihero character. Indeed, scholars have noted how easily Trump fits the profile of a fictional antihero, complete with shades of “dark triad” traits: narcissism, Machiavellianism, and psychopathy. This fictional overlap can trivialize the disconnect between fantasy and reality; antisocial tendencies are no joking matter in a would-be President.
Conversely, Clinton may also lose appeal, not just because female heroes (and presidential candidates) have been historically rare, but because when they do appear, bad-ass fantasy females tend to be portrayed as young, sexy, and manipulative (not to mention animals—Catwoman and Black Widow, to name two). Even Wonder Woman, who leads off Entertainment Weekly's latest 50 Most Powerful Superheroes (12 are female, most have cleavage), elicited protest for being an inappropriate and regressive role model after being named UN Honorary Ambassador for the Empowerment of Women and Girls. Further, media narratives, despite some positive and recent shifts, tend to cast women in power as villains (from Cruella de Ville to Miranda Priestly to Cersei Lannister) who are cold, calculating, and only after their own gain. Whereas fictional rule-breaking men are celebrated and fit a hypermasculine ideal, fictional women who break rules (or glass ceilings) tend to be sexualized or demonized for violating a feminine ideal.
The second problem with applying fantasies of leadership to political candidates is that it is all too easy to cling to superficial characterizations and soundbites that play on our own insecurities and hopes (e.g., Trump’s pledge to “Make America Great Again;” Clinton’s “Stronger Together” slogan) rather than focusing on whether the source of those soundbites has the track record and vision to make good on vague rhetoric. This is not to downplay the role that actual social and political attitudes play in our political decision-making, but it is important to appreciate our human tendency to be “cognitive misers” (Fiske & Taylor, 1984)—we prefer the path of least resistance when interpreting social information. A major adaptive advantage that allows us to navigate the intricate details of daily life can become a liability when it comes to making weighty decisions about who should run our country.
Finally, and perhaps most importantly, the impact of our political perceptions reach far beyond the voting booth; wishful identification with idealized media figures not only reflects our own psychological motivations, but can motivate or disinhibit broader attitudes and behaviors as we attempt to emulate them, for better (e.g., young girls believing that they too could run for President someday) and for worse (e.g., Trump supporters potentially committing racial hate crimes, or threatening violence if the election doesn’t go their way). Role models-whether fictional or political-matter.
Although my own political orientation may be painfully clear by now, no matter what yours may be in this election season, the most rebellious stance you can take is to shed those popular culture glasses, do your homework, and think critically and carefully before you cast your vote.
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