Resisting “The Biggest Loser Effect”

It is well established that many women exercise to change their appearance. Indeed, research reveals that women are generally more dissatisfied with their bodies than men are. Many researchers in psychology explain this difference using so called objectification theory. For example, O’Hara, Cox, and Amorose (2014) clarified that women are often valued based on their physical appearance instead of their achievements. Women then learn to internalize their bodies as objects for others to use. This process is called ‘self-objectification:’ women assess how their bodies appear to others “rather than how it functions or performs” (p. 109). A common consequence of self-objectification is the constant comparison to other women and also to the media images of so-called ‘ideal bodies.’ These comparisons, the researchers added, often lead to body dissatisfaction, because “the unattainably thin, Western cultural ideal usually results in an awareness of the impossibility of measuring up to that ideal” (p. 109). The bigger the discrepancy between what one desires to look like and one’s body shape, the bigger the degree of body dissatisfaction.

Exercise can reduce body dissatisfaction because it is one way to shape a body that is closer to the current ideal body. This is not as simple as it sounds, however. Not all exercisers manage to work their bodies into the current beauty standard “of a young, tall, large breasted, and thin body” (Bailey, Cline & Gammage, 2016, p. 88). Many women do not exercise enough or quit before becoming even close to gaining these desired appearance benefits. Research further shows that women who exercise for appearance reasons have a high level self-objectification, feel discouraged, and tend to drop out from their exercise programs (Prichard & Tiggemann, 2005, 2008; O’Hara, Cox & Amorose, 2014) because of the disappointing results.

If women are to feel more positive about their bodies, Homan and Tylka (2014) suggested, messages promoting exercise need to de-emphasize weight loss and appearance. Homan (2010) further observed that the thin body ideal is already changing toward a more athletic, extremely fit, toned body. Such a shift allows women to feel proud of their muscular bodies and is also less likely to lead to negative body image. At the same time, this modified ideal is still extremely thin and with the added requirement of muscle tone, the amount of women dissatisfied with the looks of their muscles has increased (Homan, 2010). Researchers conclude, then, that instead of thinning or toning, women should exercise for health or enjoyment if they want to gain a positive body image (Homan & Tylka, 2014; O’Hara, Cox, Amorose, 2014). Along these lines, research concerning self-compassion seems to suggest that greater self-compassion can act as a buffer against self-objectification and body dissatisfaction.

More specifically, in their review of recent research, Braun, Park, and Gorin (2016) found that self-compassion could work against negative body image, body dissatisfaction, and eating disorders. Following Neff (2003), researchers have defined self-compassion “based on the recognition that suffering, failure, and inadequacy are part of the human condition, and that all people—oneself included—are worthy of compassion” (p. 118). Self-compassion contains three ‘dimensions:’

(a) self-kindness instead of engaging self-judgment and criticism;

(b) mindfulness that helps to hold aversive thoughts and feelings in balanced awareness;

(c) common humanity that connects one’s experiences to others’ experiences (Neff, 2003).

Because self-compassion advocates for self-acceptance, it should also help women to accept their bodies as they are. Braun, Park, and Gorin (2016) affirmed that improved self-compassion could mediate risk factors leading to eating disorders. For example, self-compassionate women felt less pressure to comply with messages of weight loss, because they felt less need to constantly survey their bodies or compare themselves to other women or media images. Consequently, they were also more satisfied with their bodies and objectified their bodies less than women with lower levels of self-compassion. This seems to be true also in exercise settings.

Berry and colleagues (2010) found that self-compassionate women exercisers compared themselves less with others to appreciate and take ownership of their own bodies. Magnus and colleagues (2010) added that self-compassion prevented social physique anxiety (the degree of anxiety experienced when perceiving evaluation or observation of one’s physique) among exercisers. Braun, Park, and Gorin (2016) concluded that self-compassion could act as a kind of buffer against the pressures from the media, BMI measures, and negative body image that can lead to eating disorders. Self-compassion, nevertheless, is not necessarily innate, but a skill that needs to be practiced.

Exercise classes can potentially help women to gain positive body image, but can also exacerbate body dissatisfaction through visible and constant comparisons to other exercisers, one’s own mirror image, or instructors’ appearance oriented attitudes. Can self-compassion be trained in these classes to buffer against the factors leading to negative body image and body dissatisfaction?

In their study, Rogers and Ebbeck (2016) explored how self-compassion may create positive body experiences in women’s cardio-based exercise classes. They interviewed 15 women (ages 18-56) who attended such classes as aerobics, Zumba, or cardio-sculpt. One week before the interviews, the women received a brief description of what self-compassion can mean.

The results revealed that the women often felt shamed of their bodies in their classes that focused on building the ideal body. They also felt uncoordinated, awkward, or ‘klutzy,’ often not knowing what to do during class. In fact, they felt worse about their performance than the looks of their bodies. The instructors who taught with a ‘no pain, no gain’ mentality added to the women’s negative feelings of their bodies. One of the participants, Shan, reflected: “The ‘Biggest Loser’ effect is what I call it…harsh attitude, where people think that the way to encourage someone is to yell at them…scream at them, and bark out commands.” The women felt strongly judged by such critical and condescending instructors who, as they believed, clearly favored some participants. This led to a ‘peer hierarchy’ where the women compared themselves to the instructors and other exercisers’ clothing, age, skill level, or popularity. The most visible manifestation of this hierarchy was the ‘front row’ of the most fit and skilled students with the least fit and unskilled exercising at the back. These social comparisons left women feeling inherently flawed or worthless and not only in the class, but also in other areas of their lives. Many, however, found that self-compassion alleviated these negative feelings.

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When thinking of self-compassion, the exercisers thought of a kinder relationship with themselves. First, self-compassion enabled the women to accept their bodies even if flawed. As Katrina reflected: “I’m okay with my thighs, with my belly, with my hips…I’m a valid person…I’m safe and I’m secure as I am…without the need to change.” Instead of feeling clumsy, self-acceptance allowed the exercisers to enjoy their activity and also persist with it. When less self-critical and judgmental, the women also compared themselves less with other exercisers. Being less concerned with negative feelings of their bodies and themselves was also a huge relief to some of the exercisers: they could appreciate more who they were and what they were capable of doing in each moment. Several women referred to mindfulness: an objective perspective to and balanced awareness in each circumstance. Finally, the women found connections to others an important component of self-compassion. Although also a great source anxiety, other exercisers with similar experiences, doing the same things, helped these women accept themselves. Realizing that many other women shared their life experiences gave a sense of belonging to ‘common humanity’ of exercisers.

Although with so many positives, the women found self-compassion a challenge. Some reflected the lack of it in their lives, others the huge amount of energy and effort it took. The researchers noted: “For these women, self-compassion was 100% intentional. It required planning, effort, practice, patience, and perseverance” (p. 34). Why was it so difficult to be kind to oneself? Many of the exercising women suspected that women are socialized to feel compassion to others—which they also found easier—and can be perceived as selfish when thinking of themselves or finding excuses for ‘letting their bodies go.’

Even if self-compassion was a skill that an individual women needed to practice, they felt group exercises classes can provide a more friendly climate to facilitate positive feelings of self-acceptance instead of body shame. It was important to reduce the feeling of being on display by reducing time facing or eliminating the mirrors, encouraging women to wear whatever they feel comfortable with and ensuring that ‘no spectators’ had visible access to the class. The instructors should emphasize “health and wellbeing, as opposed to performance and physical appearance” (p. 35).

The women emphasized the importance of quality instruction and provided a number of guidelines toward a more positive class environment. The instructors should be well-trained and knowledgeable individuals who “intentionally modify their own moves to show students that it is okay to modify” (p. 36). The instructors should further engage in positive interactions with students through personal interaction, positive, privately administered feedback, and an encouragement of seeking healthy behaviors outside of the class. Several women had already experienced this type of instruction and class climate in Pilates and yoga classes. Interestingly, only three of the interviewed exercisers remained with cardio-based exercise classes and some had switched to practicing yoga.

This study indicated that self-compassion could counter women’s body dissatisfaction and negative feelings of their exercise performance. Some participants felt empowered to look for exercise settings where they could feel more accepted. In addition, practicing self-compassion was difficult because of the social expectations that women are to care for others or to please others by appearing thin and toned. The interviewed women were not trained in self-compassion, but the researchers propose the following strategies toward improved self-compassion:

recognizing the triggers (personal, instructors, group) for body shame;
critical awareness of socio-cultural expectations (media messages of the; ideal body, others’ expectations for ideal body);
positive interaction with others (sense of camaraderie);
open conversations about feelings of body shame.

The exercisers emphasized that the instructors should be more compassionate toward their participants and provided several suggestions for improvement. It is, therefore, very important to look for good, well-educated instructors when making exercise choices. As self-compassion, nevertheless, requires training, the instructors might also need training on how to create more inclusive and compassionate exercise environment.

However, as the researchers cited here emphasize, the exercisers themselves are ultimately responsible for learning how to care for themselves and cope with the social pressures of objectification and the culturally defined body ideal. Although building more self-acceptance does not directly change larger social attitudes towards the ideal feminine body, it can make women more aware of the social nature of body dissatisfaction. We may then feel empowered to seek and appreciate exercise environments that de-emphasize building the ideal body through hard workouts. And it is in this way that we can begin to influence the types of exercise classes offered in fitness centers and advocate for instructors trained in the principles of body appreciation rather than appearance.

Works cited:

Bailey, K. A., Cline, L. E., & Gammage, K. L. (2016). Exploring the complexities of body image experiences in middle age and older adult women within an exercise context: The simultaneous existence of negative and positive body images. Body Image, 17, 88-99.

Berry, K. A., et al (2010). An empirical phenomenology of young adult women exercisers’ body self-compassion. Qualitative Research in Sport and Exercise, 2, 293-312.

Braun, T. D., Park, C. L., & Gorin, A.
(2016). Self-compassion, body image, and disordered eating: A review of the literature. Body Image, 17, 117-131.

Magnus, C. M. R., Kowalski, K. C., & McHugh, T.-L. F. (2010). The role of self-compassion in women’s self-determined motives to exercise and exercise- related outcomes. Self and Identity, 9, 363–382.

Neff, K. D. (2003). Self-compassion: An alternative conceptualization of a healthy attitude toward oneself. Self and Identity, 2, 85–101.

O’Hara, S. E., Cox A., E., & Amorose, A. J. (2014). Self-compassion, body image, and disordered eating: A review of the literature. Body Image, 15, 109-118

Prichard, I., & Tiggemann, M. (2005). Objectification in fitness centers: Self-objectification, body dissatisfaction, and disordered eating in aerobic instructors and aerobic participants. Sex Roles, 53, 19–28.

Prichard, I., & Tiggemann, M. (2008). Relations among exercise type, self- objectification, and body image in the fitness centre environment: The role of reasons for exercise. Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 9, 855–866.

Rogers, K. A., & Ebbeck V. (2016). Experiences among women with shame and self-compassion in cardio-based exercise classes. Qualitative Research in Sport, Exercise and Health, 8, 21-44.